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Overturned German Gun at Alpen

Overturned German Gun at Alpen



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Overturned German Gun at Alpen

British troops of the 1st Canadian Army take cover behind an overturned German gun at Alpen, south-west of Wesel, on the western bank of the Rhine.


These were colonies unsuccessfully settled by Brandenburg-Prussia (part of the Holy Roman Empire realm), after 1701 Kingdom of Prussia, before the foundation of the German Empire in 1871.

Africa Edit

    (in Ghana), 1683–1718 (in Mauritania), 1685–1721 (in present Bénin), circa 1700 (this Brandenburg 'colony' was just a minor point of support, a few dwellings at a site co-inhabited by British and Dutch)

North America Edit

These territories were held briefly under lease or occupation during the early European colonization of the New World.

    . Leased by Brandenburg from the Danish West India Company, 1685–1720. (Krabbeninsel in German) (Caribbean, now US), Brandenburg annexation in the Danish West Indies, 1689–1693 (Caribbean), 1696. Occupation.

South America Edit

These were colonies of the Habsburg Monarchy, part of the Holy Roman Empire of German Nation realm until 1804, Austrian Empire after 1804, Austria-Hungary from 1867 to the end of World War I.

These are colonies settled by and controlled by the German Empire from 1884 to 1919. Those territories constituted the German Colonial Empire.

Africa Edit

The following were German African protectorates:

    (Deutsch-Ostafrika):
      : In 1922 became a League of Nations mandate under the United Kingdom. In 1961 became independent and in 1964 joined with former British protectorate of the sultanate of Zanzibar to form present-day Tanzania. (1885–1917): present-day Rwanda and Burundi after the Belgian mandate period. (1885–1890): Part of Kenya since 1890. : since 1920 (earlier occupied) part of Portuguese Mozambique.
      (1884–1914): after World War I, separated into the following.
      • A British part, Cameroons, later split in half, with one part joining Nigeria and the other becoming part of modern Cameroon. (Kamerun, Nigeria-Ostteil, Tschad-Südwestteil, Zentralafrikanische Republik-Westteil, Republik Kongo-Nordostteil, Gabun-Nordteil)
      • French Cameroun, which became present Cameroon.
      • A British part (Ghana-Westteil), which joined Ghana.
      • A French part, which became Togo republic, according to the Treaty of Versailles concluding World War I.

      Pacific Edit

      These were German colonies in the Pacific:

        (Deutsch-Neuguinea) (1884–1914) and Micronesia (later incorporated into the German New Guinea) (Bismarck-Archipel) or Northern Solomon Islands (Salomonen or Nördliche Salomon-Inseln) (1885–1899) (Bougainville-Insel) (1888–1919) (1888–1919) (Marschall-Inseln) (1885–1919) (Marianen) (1899–1919): present-day Northern Mariana Islands. (Karolinen) (1899–1919): present-day Federated States of Micronesia and Palau.

      China Edit

      These Treaty ports were German concessions in China, leased to it by the Qing Dynasty:


      Sources differ on the development history, but the gun itself was of conventional design. Early production models were horse-drawn, with wooden wheels. Later production models had pressed steel wheels, with solid rubber tires and air brakes for motor towing, albeit at a low speed (only carriages with pneumatic tires and suspension system could be towed at highway speeds). As with most German artillery carriages, the solid rubber tires and lack of springing meant that the gun could not safely be towed above 10 mph, and horse-drawing was still extensively employed.

      The sIG 33 was rather heavy for its mission, and it was redesigned in the late 1930s to incorporate light alloys. This saved about 150 kilograms (330 lb), but the outbreak of war forced the return to the original design before more than a few hundred were made, as the Luftwaffe had a higher priority for light alloys. A new carriage, made entirely of light alloys, was tested around 1939, but was not accepted for service.

      Most of the shells used by the sIG 33 were unexceptional in design, but the Stielgranate 42 was different in fundamental ways from ordinary shells. The driving rod was loaded into the muzzle so that the finned projectile remained in front of, and outside, the barrel entirely. A special charge was loaded and would propel the projectile about 1,000 metres (1,100 yd). At about 150 metres (160 yd) distance, the driving rod would separate from the projectile. Unlike other Stielgranaten, this version was not intended for anti-tank use, but rather for the demolition of strongpoints and clearing barbed-wire obstacles and minefields by blast effect.


      Hitler purges members of his own Nazi party in Night of the Long Knives

      In Germany, Nazi leader Adolf Hitler orders a bloody purge of his own political party, assassinating hundreds of Nazis whom he believed had the potential to become political enemies in the future. The leadership of the Nazi Storm Troopers (SA), whose four million members had helped bring Hitler to power in the early 1930s, was especially targeted. Hitler feared that some of his followers had taken his early “National Socialism” propaganda too seriously and thus might compromise his plan to suppress workers’ rights in exchange for German industry making the country war-ready.

      In the early 1920s, the ranks of Hitler’s Nazi Party swelled with resentful Germans who sympathized with the party’s bitter hatred of Germany’s democratic government, leftist politics, and Jews. In November 1923, after the German government resumed the payment of war reparations to Britain and France, the Nazis launched the �r Hall Putsch”–their first attempt at seizing the German government by force. Hitler hoped that his nationalist revolution in Bavaria would spread to the dissatisfied German army, which in turn would bring down the government in Berlin. However, the uprising was immediately suppressed, and Hitler was arrested and sentenced to five years in prison for high treason.

      Sent to Landsberg jail, he spent his time dictating his autobiography, Mein Kampf, and working on his oratorical skills. After nine months in prison, political pressure from supporters of the Nazi Party forced his release. During the next few years, Hitler and the other leading Nazis reorganized their party as a fanatical mass movement. In 1932, President Paul von Hindenburg defeated a presidential bid by Hitler, but in January 1933 he appointed Hitler chancellor, hoping that the powerful Nazi leader could be brought to heel as a member of the president’s cabinet.


      Overturned German Gun at Alpen - History

      PzG Inc. History is forever and cannot be unlived. It's not there for you to like or dislike. It's there to learn from and if it offends, even better to make you receptive to it's lessons. It is not yours to erase, tear down, or deny. History belongs to us all to be faced with courage! L essons learned, sacrifices honored with grace and wisdom for the future.

      Everyday we hear from customers who ask about a particular product and sadely we have to inform them it's no longer available. Please trust us when we tell you these items are becoming harder and harder to obtain. So, don't delay in making that purchase and investment into your collection. You very well could be grabbing the last one! And, tomorrow it might be impossible to find another causing the value of your price to skyrocket like a German V-2.

      DISCLAIMER / MISSION STATEMENT

          • **PzG Inc. is dedicated to preserving Third Reich history by offering for sale reproduction German war stock for educational purposes only.
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          • **PzG Inc. is non-political and does not support or condone any violence or hatred towards anyone!
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          Confiscation Acts

          Our editors will review what you’ve submitted and determine whether to revise the article.

          Confiscation Acts, (1861–64), in U.S. history, series of laws passed by the federal government during the American Civil War that were designed to liberate slaves in the seceded states. The first Confiscation Act, passed on Aug. 6, 1861, authorized Union seizure of rebel property, and it stated that all slaves who fought with or worked for the Confederate military services were freed of further obligations to their masters.

          President Abraham Lincoln objected to the act on the basis that it might push border states, especially Kentucky and Missouri, into secession in order to protect slavery within their boundaries. He later convinced Congress to pass a resolution providing compensation to states that initiated a system of gradual emancipation, but the border states failed to support this plan. And Lincoln repudiated the position of Generals John C. Frémont and David Hunter, who proclaimed that the first Confiscation Act was tantamount to a decree of emancipation.

          The second Confiscation Act, passed July 17, 1862, was virtually an emancipation proclamation. It said that slaves of civilian and military Confederate officials “shall be forever free,” but it was enforceable only in areas of the South occupied by the Union Army. Lincoln was again concerned about the effect of an antislavery measure on the border states and again urged these states to begin gradual compensated emancipation.

          On March 12, 1863, and July 2, 1864, the federal government passed additional measures (“Captured and Abandoned Property Acts”) that defined property subject to seizure as that owned by absent individuals who supported the South. The Confederate Congress also passed property confiscation acts to apply to Union adherents. But the amount of land actually confiscated during or after the war by either side was not great. Cotton constituted nearly all the Southern nonslave property confiscated.

          With the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation (1863) and passage of the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution, however, Southern slaveholders lost an estimated $2,000,000,000 worth of human property.


          Dispersing Military Power Among the People

          Finally, the military power in the United States is not concentrated solely at the federal level. The modern successor to the state militias is the National Guard. Not only are these part-time warriors who return to their normal jobs when not training or actively deployed, but their units are run by and under the command of the governors of the various states until they are called into active duty. This means that the military power of the federal government is partly distributed among the states rather than being centralized in the capital. For that reason, this is the only military power normally deployed domestically to keep the peace (as in the 1992 Los Angeles riots).

          The same applies to an even greater extent to the non-military use of force. Despite a worrying expansion of federal law enforcement in recent decades, the vast majority of police power remains where it always has: on the state and local level. If you remember the recent fake outrage when Attorney General Jeff Sessions referred to our “Anglo-American heritage of law enforcement,” you might recall that he was specifically talking about the uniquely Anglo-American office of the sheriff, the point of which is to vest law-enforcement authority in a local official answerable to local constituents. The Constitution didn’t supersede this kind of local police power with a federalized police force, because the whole point was to preserve and respect the legitimacy of the state and local governments from which the Union was formed.

          We all know—at least, those of us who have bothered to study the Constitution—about the importance of separation of powers between the various branches of the federal government. Our system tries to prevent the abuse of power by dividing it between the legislature, the executive, and the judiciary. But our system also includes a division of powers by scale, in which government power is distributed at different levels: federal, state, and local. The animating idea behind this system is to prevent the concentration of coercive power in a single institution, class, or capitol.

          Or to put it in less legalistic and more philosophical terms, the division and dispersal of the coercive power of government embodies the idea that government authority is dependent on the consent of the governed.

          To my knowledge, the closest that the Founding Fathers got to discussing all of this in detail was in The Federalist, No. 46, where the Father of the Constitution himself, James Madison, addresses the role of the state governments as counterbalances to the federal government. As a last resort, he contemplates the prospect of a tyrannical federal government using the army to impose its will on the states.

          Let a regular army, fully equal to the resources of the country, be formed and let it be entirely at the devotion of the federal government still it would not be going too far to say, that the state governments, with the people on their side, would be able to repel the danger. The highest number to which, according to the best computation, a standing army can be carried in any country, does not exceed one hundredth part of the whole number of souls or one twenty-fifth part of the number able to bear arms. This proportion would not yield, in the United States, an army of more than twenty-five or thirty thousand men. To these would be opposed a militia amounting to near half a million of citizens with arms in their hands, officered by men chosen from among themselves, fighting for their common liberties, and united and conducted by governments possessing their affections and confidence. It may well be doubted, whether a militia thus circumstanced could ever be conquered by such a proportion of regular troops. Those who are best acquainted with the last successful resistance of this country against the British arms, will be most inclined to deny the possibility of it. Besides the advantage of being armed, which the Americans possess over the people of almost every other nation, the existence of subordinate governments, to which the people are attached, and by which the militia officers are appointed, forms a barrier against the enterprises of ambition, more insurmountable than any which a simple government of any form can admit of.

          Let’s update Madison’s numbers. A federal army at 1 percent of the population today would be an army of 3 million troops. Our regular armed forces are currently less than half that, about 1.3 million. Against that, the National Guard and reserves—those under the command of the states or dispersed among the civilian population—are about 850,000. Then there are about 22 million veterans among the civilian population, and while the World War II and Korea vets might seem a bit too elderly to be threatening—though I wouldn’t exactly count them out, if I were you—about 7 million veterans served from the Gulf War on.

          That’s a very large population with military experience and training. The civilian population as a whole owns somewhere around 300 million guns, of which roughly half are probably owned by 3 percent of the population. If that seems like a small number, reflect that this means there are nine to ten million heavily armed people out there, and it’s likely that there is a significant overlap between Americans who own multiple guns and those who have served in the military. So the dispersal of coercive power through the American population today is considerable and makes the imposition of tyranny from above impossible to contemplate.


          The Origin of German Last Names

          The meanings of German last names are those as defined initially when these names became surnames. For example, the surname Meyer means dairy farmer today, whereas, during the Middle Ages, Meyer designated people who were stewards of landholders. Most German surnames derive either from archaic professions (such as Schmidt, Müller, Weber, or Schäfer) or places. Few of the latter are on the following list, but examples include Brinkmann, Berger, and Frank.


          3 M/V Wilhelm Gustloff

          Even today, the sinking of the Nazi ocean liner the M/V Wilhelm Gustloff has the dubious honor of being the largest maritime disaster in history. Although there was no official passenger list, it&rsquos believed that approximately 9,300 people died, and more than half were children.

          Originally a cruise ship for members of Adolf Hitler&rsquos Third Reich, the Gustloff was converted first into a hospital ship and later into a floating barracks during World War II. By late 1944, with the Soviet Union&rsquos Red Army advancing into East Prussia, German citizens made a concerted effort to flee the area, hoping to avoid Soviet retribution. Many German refugees rushed to Baltic ports, seeking ships that would help them escape.

          On January 30, 1945, one of those departing ships, the Gustloff, carried over 10,000 sailors, women, elderly men, and children from Gotenhafen. The vessel was designed for under 2,000 people. But the ship&rsquos death sentence was truly signed by foolish decisions made by Nazi military personnel. First, only one small torpedo boat, instead of the usual convoy, sailed with the Gustloff to protect her. Next, the captain insisted on a speed of no more than 12 knots, rather than the preferred 15 knots that would have outrun any Soviet submarines. He didn&rsquot want to overtax the engines because the ship hadn&rsquot sailed for a few years. Then he headed into the open sea to avoid possible mines along the coast, which left the ship vulnerable to submarine attack.

          The unwise decision to light up the ship like it was on holiday ultimately revealed her position to Soviet submarine S-13, which successfully fired three torpedoes into the Gustloff. Supposedly, a radio message had been sent to the Gustloff, warning that a convoy of German minesweepers was heading her way. To avoid collision, the captain made the fatal error of switching on the ship&rsquos bright lights. There were no minesweepers, but there were later rumors of a plot to sabotage the ship with a fake message. If true, it worked.


          O.J. Simpson acquitted

          At the end of a sensational trial, former football star O.J. Simpson is acquitted of the brutal 1994 double murder of his estranged wife, Nicole Brown Simpson, and her friend, Ronald Goldman. In the epic 252-day trial, Simpson’s 𠇍ream team” of lawyers employed creative and controversial methods to convince jurors that Simpson’s guilt had not been proved �yond a reasonable doubt,” thus surmounting what the prosecution called a “mountain of evidence” implicating him as the murderer.

          Orenthal James Simpson𠅊 Heisman Trophy winner, star running back with the Buffalo Bills, and popular television personality—married Nicole Brown in 1985. He reportedly regularly abused his wife and in 1989 pleaded no contest to a charge of spousal battery. In 1992, she left him and filed for divorce. On the night of June 12, 1994, Nicole Brown Simpson and Ronald Goldman were stabbed and slashed to death in the front yard of Mrs. Simpson’s condominium in Brentwood, Los Angeles. By June 17, police had gathered enough evidence to charge O.J. Simpson with the murders.

          Simpson had no alibi for the time frame of the murders. Some 40 minutes after the murders were committed, a limousine driver sent to take Simpson to the airport saw a man in dark clothing hurrying up the drive of his Rockingham estate. A few minutes later, Simpson spoke to the driver though the gate phone and let him in. During the previous 25 minutes, the driver had repeatedly called the house and received no answer.

          A single leather glove found outside Simpson’s home matched a glove found at the crime scene. In preliminary DNA tests, blood found on the glove was shown to have come from Simpson and the two victims. After his arrest, further DNA tests would confirm this finding. Simpson had a wound on his hand, and his blood was a DNA match to drops found at the Brentwood crime scene. Nicole Brown Simpson’s blood was discovered on a pair of socks found at the Rockingham estate. Simpson had recently purchased a “Stiletto” knife of the type the coroner believed was used by the killer. Shoe prints in the blood at Brentwood matched Simpson’s shoe size and later were shown to match a type of shoe he had owned. Neither the knife nor shoes were found by police.

          On June 17, a warrant was put out for Simpson’s arrest, but he refused to surrender. Just before 7 p.m., police located him in a white Ford Bronco being driven by his friend, former teammate Al Cowlings. Cowlings refused to pull over and told police over his cellular phone that Simpson was suicidal and had a gun to his head. Police agreed not to stop the vehicle by force, and a low-speed chase ensued. Los Angeles news helicopters learned of the event unfolding on their freeways, and live television coverage began. As millions watched, the Bronco was escorted across Los Angeles by a phalanx of police cars. Just before 8 p.m., the dramatic journey ended when Cowlings pulled into the Rockingham estate. After an hour of tense negotiation, Simpson emerged from the vehicle and surrendered. In the vehicle was found a travel bag containing, among other things, Simpson’s passport, a disguise kit consisting of a fake moustache and beard, and a revolver. Three days later, Simpson appeared before a judge and pleaded not guilty.

          Simpson’s subsequent criminal trial was a sensational media event of unprecedented proportions. It was the longest trial ever held in California, and courtroom television cameras captured the carnival-like atmosphere of the proceedings. The prosecution’s mountain of evidence was systemically called into doubt by Simpson’s team of expensive attorneys, who made the dramatic case that their client was framed by unscrupulous and racist police officers. Citing the questionable character of detective Mark Fuhrman and alleged blunders in the police investigation, defense lawyers painted Simpson as yet another African American victim of the white judicial system. The jurors’ reasonable doubt grew when the defense spent weeks attacking the damning DNA evidence, arguing in overly technical terms that delays and other anomalies in the gathering of evidence called the findings into question. Critics of the trial accused Judge Lance Ito of losing control of his courtroom.

          In polls, a majority of African Americans believed Simpson to be innocent of the crime, while white America was confident of his guilt. However, the jury–made up of nine African Americans, two whites, and one Hispanic–was not so divided they took just four hours of deliberation to reach the verdict of not guilty on both murder charges. On October 3, 1995, an estimated 140 million Americans listened in on radio or watched on television as the verdict was delivered.

          In February 1997, Simpson was found liable for several charges related to the murders in a civil trial and was forced to award $33.5 million in compensatory and punitive damages to the victims’ families. However, with few assets remaining after his long and costly legal battle, he has avoided paying the damages.

          In 2007, Simpson ran into legal problems once again when he was arrested for breaking into a Las Vegas hotel room and taking sports memorabilia, which he claimed had been stolen from him, at gunpoint. On October 3, 2008, he was found guilty of 12 charges related to the incident, including armed robbery and kidnapping, and sentenced to 33 years in prison. He was released on parole on October 1, 2017. 


          Toppling Monuments, a Visual History

          Image

          History is littered with the shattered remains of toppled statues, and more are toppling now in the American South.

          A violent rally this weekend in Charlottesville, Va., centered in part on the city’s plan to relocate a statue of the Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee. A memorial to Confederate soldiers in Durham, N.C., was pulled down by protesters on Monday. Four Confederate monuments were taken down by the city of Baltimore on Wednesday New Orleans did the same earlier this year.

          But stiff opposition remains. Debates are raging over whether the statues should fall because they commemorate those who fought to uphold slavery, or stand because they remind us of a history that cannot be erased.

          The United States has been dismantling statues since its very foundation.

          One of the earliest recorded instances came in 1776, just five days after the Declaration of Independence was ratified. In a moment that was immortalized in a mid-19th-century painting, soldiers and civilians tore down a gilded statue of Britain’s King George III in Manhattan.

          That dismantling was more than symbolic. The leaden king was to be repurposed “to make musket balls, so that his troops will probably have melted Majesty fired at them,” during the Revolutionary War, said a letter from Ebenezer Hazard, New York’s postmaster, to Gen. Horatio Gates.

          Globally, iconoclasm has been practiced at least since ancient times. Instances were recorded in the Bible. Medieval Christians smashed sculptures of Ancient Rome. Spanish conquerors destroyed temples of the Aztecs and the Incas.

          More recently, in 2001, the Taliban destroyed giant statues of the Buddha in central Afghanistan. And this year, Islamic State militants toppled ancient structures in the historic city of Palmyra, Syria.

          Symbols — including flags and portraits — of reviled leaders like World War II Germany’s Adolf Hitler were destroyed after a fall from power.

          And monuments seen as symbols of European colonialism have been torn down in several countries. In Cape Town, South Africa, a statue of the imperialist businessman Cecil John Rhodes was dismantled in 2015. In Caracas, Venezuela, a monument to Christopher Columbus, who claimed the land for Spain during the 1400s, was toppled in 2004.

          These acts of destruction can function as propaganda. What else could signify a smashing victory — or a new and brilliant future — so succinctly as the likeness of a vanquished leader, smashed to rubble on the ground?

          But propaganda built around individuals can be misleading.

          “Making sculptures into public monuments conveys the idea that history is made by individuals. We have a very individualized sense of personal agency and activism today,” said Lucia Allais, a Princeton historian writing a book about the destruction and preservation of monuments in the 20th Century.

          “But these events make clear that history is also made when individuals mobilize into movements and masses.”

          One of the best-known topplings of a statue in modern history might be the 2003 dismantling of a bronze Saddam Hussein in Baghdad during the American invasion of Iraq.

          At the time, many of the media reports from the scene told a story of a giant statue felled by jubilant Iraqis.

          But later accounts told a more nuanced story. Peter Maass, a journalist for The New York Times Magazine who saw the statue fall, wrote in a 2011 ProPublica article, published with The New Yorker, that U.S. Marines who were present helped drag the statue down, in part, because they understood the mass appeal of such an image. He did not personally see it as a defining moment, and he added that the square was less crowded, and the Iraqis present less enthusiastic, than it had appeared in many photographs and live broadcasts from the scene.

          At the time, “I had little awareness of the media dynamics that turned the episode into a festive symbol of what appeared to be the war’s finale,” Mr. Maass wrote. “In reality, the war was just getting underway.”

          Mr. Hussein was captured in December 2003 and executed three years later. But the country has yet to emerge from years of conflict.

          Broken statues and torn portraits figured prominently years later in the Arab Spring. They did not herald peaceful change.

          In January 2011, protesters ripped through a portrait of Egypt’s then-President Hosni Mubarak in the northern city of Alexandria as revolts rocked the country. Weeks later, Mr. Mubarak stepped down. His elected predecessor, Mohammed Morsi, lasted a year before his own ouster.

          In August 2011, Libyan protesters overran the compound of Muammar el-Qaddafi in Tripoli, dismantling the head of a statue in his likeness, and toppling an iconic statue of a golden fist crushing a fighter plane. Mr. Qaddafi was killed two months later, but Libya still suffers from conflict and political chaos.

          Syrian protesters dismantled a statue of Hafez al-Assad, the father of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, in the city of Raqqa in 2013. But Islamic State fighters soon assumed control of that city, and President Assad remains in office.

          Statues of Soviet leaders have been toppled, too.

          One towering likeness of Joseph Stalin came down in Budapest as early as 1956, during the Hungarian Revolution against Soviet control. Pieces the statue were attacked in the streets, but protesters couldn’t dismantle it all. They left a pair of Mr. Stalin’s boots stuck in its old perch high above the City Park.

          Those boots finally came down, under the cover of night, a few days after Soviet troops had crushed the rebellion.

          Statues of Vladimir Lenin have been erected across continents. But many were removed, in countries including Romania, Uzbekistan and Ethiopia, around the time of the Soviet bloc’s collapse.

          Still others were dismantled in Ukraine during the more recent Euromaidan protests — including one large structure in the capital city of Kiev in December 2013 — and the continuing conflict between Ukrainian troops and Russian-backed separatists.

          In the United States, debates over Confederate symbols have been heating up for years, spurred in part by a series of high-profile police shootings of black civilians.

          Another turning point came when Dylann Roof, a white supremacist with an affinity for the Confederate battle flag, killed nine black parishioners in a June 2015 church shooting in Charleston, S.C. Ten days later, an activist, Bree Newsome, climbed a 30-foot flagpole that was flying the Confederate battle flag, removing the banner herself.

          About two weeks after that, South Carolina officially removed the flag from the State Capitol.

          What becomes of these monuments, flags and portraits after they are removed from public spaces?

          In Venezuela, the toppled statue of Christopher Columbus in Caracas was replaced by a likeness of Guaicaipuro, an indigenous chief who resisted Spanish conquerors. In Libya, the golden fist that was once in Mr. Qaddafi’s compound in Tripoli was moved to a museum in Misurata. In Ukraine, the thousands of Lenin statues dismantled in recent years have met all manner of fates some have been painted over, others smashed to pieces, and still others stored in basements.

          Officials in Charlottesville, Baltimore and New Orleans are still determining what will be done with the Confederate monuments that have crowned their public spaces for decades. But stories do not end when statues fall, Dr. Allais said. “We should definitely not think that historical legacies are made, or ended, only by destroying symbols.”


          Watch the video: LUFTWAFFE FIGHTER GUN CAMERA FOOTAGE - Documents Attacks on Allied Fighters and Bombers Part 3 (August 2022).